Διορθώσετε το πρόβλημα, όχι το φταίξιμο

Στην χώρα μας, έπειτα από κάθε εκλογική αναμέτρηση, είναι πάγια τακτική να χρεώνουν την προηγούμενη κυβέρνηση για όλα τα στραβά που έχει (ή που θα έχει) ο τόπος. « Τι μας παραδώσατε», ή «Αυτά παραλάβαμε», είναι πάντα οι γνωστές φράσεις. Από το Κώστα Καραμανλή μέχρι τον Γιώργο Παπανδρέου, οι λέξεις είναι καρμπόν: «Τα δεινά που παραλάβαμε από την διακυβέρνηση σας», ή «αυτή είναι η κληρονομιά που μας παραδώσατε», λες και όλα τα πολιτικά πρόσωπα των δυο κομμάτων εξουσίας ζούσαν σε διαφορετικό χρόνο και σε άλλη χώρα. Αυτή η παιδική ανωριμότητα του να δείχνει ο ένας τον άλλο λέγοντας «εσύ φταις», ουδέποτε είχε σκοπό να αλλάξει τα πράγματα. Ήταν και είναι ένας φτηνός τρόπος αυτοπροβολής της εκάστοτε, νέας «σωτήριας» κυβέρνησης, για εσωτερική κατανάλωση. Τώρα όμως, σύμφωνα με τα νούμερα, (ΝΔ και ΠΑΣΟΚ μαζί είναι περίπου στο 34%) και δεν πείθουν κανένα.

Πρέπει να παραδεχτούμε πως τα προβλήματα που υπάρχουν στην χώρα μας, γεννήθηκαν πρίν πολλές δεκαετίες και ωρίμασαν μέσα από  τις τρείς  πολιτικές οικογένειές του τόπου, δηλ. Παπανδρέου, Καραμανλή, Μητσοτάκη, οι οποίες μαζί, (και με τους υποστηρικτές τους), διαμόρφωσαν το σαθρό πολιτικό σύστημα που τώρα δυστυχώς, καλούμαστε να πληρώσουμε με τον πιο άδικο τρόπο. Τα τελευταία δέκα χρόνια, από το Χρηματιστήριο μέχρι τον ερχομό της Τρόικας, έγιναν εγκληματικά «σφάλματα» στην πολιτική ζωή του τόπου. Για παράδειγμα, οι εκλογές του 2004, τις κέρδισε μεν η Νέα Δημοκρατία, αλλά έδωσε αγώνα δρόμου να ολοκληρωθούν τα Ολυμπιακά έργα, όπως-όπως, για να κερδίσουμε το στοίχημα για «επιτυχείς» Ολυμπιακούς αγώνες. Οι καθυστερήσεις των έργων, τα υψηλά κόστη και η έλλειψη σχεδιασμού για την εκμετάλλευση των έργων, ήταν μια βόμβα που έσκασε στην ΝΔ.

Αργότερα, οι φονικές πυρκαγιές ήταν ένας τρόπος να προσάψουν ανικανότητα στη τότε κυβέρνηση. Τα ανοίγματα προς την Ρωσία και οι συμφωνίες για τους αγωγούς, το ζήτημα με την Cosco, αντί να αποτελέσουν την πλατφόρμα για εθνική ενότητα, έγιναν θέματα αντιπαράθεσης. Με την νίκη του ΠΑΣΟΚ το 2009, αντιστράφηκαν οι ρόλοι με το έλλειμμα, το χρέος, τα λεφτά που δεν υπήρχαν.(Με τις δηλώσεις Παπανδρέου για επανεξέταση της συμφωνίας, η Ρωσία είχε φύγει, οι αντιδράσεις για την Cosco ζημίωσε τόσο την εταιρία, όσο και την Ελλάδα για τις καθυστερήσεις και διαφυγόντα κέρδη»

Αυτά όλα μας δείχνουν δύο πράγματα:  Οι κυβερνήσεις δεν έκαναν σωστά την δουλειά τους,  και τα κόμματα της αξιωματικής αντιπολίτευσης δεν έκαναν σωστά την δουλειά τους. Ευθύνη για όλα αυτά έχουμε σε μεγάλο βαθμό, εμείς οι πολίτες, γιατί όλοι οι πολιτικοί, από τον Πρωθυπουργό μέχρι τον τελευταίο βουλευτή τους πληρώνουμε εμείς. Έχουν εκλεγεί για να υπηρετήσουν τον Ελληνικό λαό, είναι δημόσιοι λειτουργοί και όχι αφεντικά μας. Ουσιαστικά έχουν την υποχρέωση να λογοδοτούν στον Ελληνικό λαό. Έχω σιχαθεί να βλέπω βουλευτές και υπουργούς κάθε μέρα, όλη μέρα στα ΜΜΕ, αλληλοκατηγορώντας ο ένας τον άλλο, (σε προαποφασισμένα θέματα), ενώ εμείς οι ιθαγενείς, να τους παρακολουθούμε και να τους πληρώνουμε από πάνω, την ώρα που όλοι τους μας πίνουν το αίμα μας. Σε άλλες χώρες, Αμερική για παράδειγμα, γίνονται οι εκλογές, στην ώρα τους, (τον Νοέμβριο) και η νέα κυβέρνηση ξεκινά από το Νέο Έτος, τα υπουργεία δεν αλλάζουν χέρια από την μια μέρα στην άλλη, δεν χρειάζεται μυαλό να καταλάβουμε πως όλα εδώ γίνονται στο άρπα-κόλλα για την συγκάλυψη και την διατήρηση των ισορροπιών .

Στην πατρίδα μας, αν κάτι δεν πάει καλά σε επίπεδο κυβέρνησης, την ευθύνη έχει εξίσου και η αξιωματική αντιπολίτευση. Ως συνήθως άλλα λέει και άλλα κάνει όταν πάρει την εξουσία. (είναι εκπληκτικό το μέγεθος σε ποσοστό χρέους επί ΑΕΠ το 2009= 115%, και ποσοστό χρέους ΑΕΠ το 2010=144%)  επίσης και η «μαύρη τρύπα» για το 2011, καθώς μετά από τέτοια απάνθρωπα μέτρα λιτότητας, έχουμε ΑΥΞΗΣΗ!!! των δημοσίων δαπανών    

Τώρα έχουμε έναν νέο Πρωθυπουργό στο πρόσωπο του κ. Λουκά Παπαδήμο,  και μια κυβέρνηση που απαρτίζεται από μέλη τριών κομμάτων, ΛΑ.Ο.Σ., Ν.Δ., ΠΑΣΟΚ, και η κατάσταση της Ελλάδας τόσο στο εσωτερικό, όσο και στο εξωτερικό είναι πλέον γνώστη. Είναι σημαντικό πώς οι ¨Έλληνες ξέρουν πια πως έχουν τα πράγματα και πως κανείς από τους κυβερνώντες δεν μπορεί να δηλώσει άγνοια.

Αυτό δεν θα εμποδίσει όμως τα σχέδια των τριών κομμάτων της κυβέρνησης για την επόμενη μέρα. Δυστυχώς η ιστορία μας έχει διδάξει πως σε κυβερνήσεις συνεργασίας, το ένα κόμμα σκάβει τον λάκκο του άλλου. Η  σωτηρία της χώρας παύει να είναι το μείζων καθώς η εξασφάλιση της καρέκλας γίνεται αυτοσκοπός. Ακόμα και τώρα που υποτίθεται πως υπάρχει ενότητα και αλληλοϋποστήριξη, ο κ.Καρατζαφέρης, ενώ προτείνει στον κ. Παπαδήμο να μεταφέρει στους εταίρους μας πως οι «Έλληνες έχουν μπέσα και φιλότιμο, και έγγραφες εγγυήσεις δεν χρειάζονται», συντάσσοντας με τον αρχηγό της Αξιωματικής Αντιπολίτευσης κ. Σαμαρά, μέσα σε δυο μέρες, αυθαίρετα αλλάζει γνώμη για να «μην είναι η αιτία της μη καταβολής της 6^ης δόσης» ως να εξαρτάται σε αυτόν όλη η συμφωνία.

Σε ότι αφορά τον κ. Παπανδρέου, μετά το απίστευτο φιάσκο του δημοψηφίσματος, με τον πανευρωπαϊκό διασυρμό της χώρας και του θρίλερ της αποχώρησης του από το αξίωμα του Πρωθυπουργού, συνεχίζει να συμπεριφέρεται σαν να μην άλλαξε τίποτα, και κατά τα φαινόμενα, προετοιμάζεται να «ηγηθεί» ξανά στο ΠΑΣΟΚ. Αν όντως κατέβει στις ερχόμενες εκλογές, δεν θα υπάρξει ηγέτης χώρας που να του έχει την παραμικρή εμπιστοσύνη. (Αν κερδίσει κιόλας, θα σημαίνει πως εμείς οι Έλληνες είμαστε εντελώς μαζοχιστές.)       

ΠΑΠΑΝΔΡΕΟΥ: ΚΑΤΩ ΤΑ ΧΕΡΙΑ ΑΠΟ ΤΗ ΚΑΡΕΚΛΑ (ΜΟΥ)

Είναι 3 Νοε. 11, και ώρα 21:50. Ακούω τον Γιώργο Παπανδρέου να μιλά στην Βουλή και να λέει πόσο σταθερά κρατά το τιμόνι της χώρας η κυβέρνηση του, τα τελευταία δύο χρόνια. Τα υπεράνθρωπα κατορθώματα της κυβέρνησης που κατάφερε να κάνει πράγματα τα οποία δεν είχαν γίνει ποτέ στο παρελθόν, από καμιά κυβέρνηση.

Δεν θα ισχυριστώ πως η κυβέρνηση του ΠΑΣΟΚ ήταν-είναι άχρηστη, άλλωστε κάτι τέτοιο θα ήταν πολύ φτηνό από την πλευρά μου και δεν είναι στόχος μου κάτι τέτοιο.  Υπάρχουν πολλοί εξαίρετοι πολιτικοί στο ΠΑΣΟΚ, όπως και σε όλα τα κόμματα,  με μεγάλη εμπειρία που νοιάζονται για το μέλλον του τόπου, όπως βεβαίως, υπάρχουν και οι «επαγγελματίες» πολιτικοί με τους οποίους δεν θα ασχοληθώ. Ο  Πρωθυπουργός έχει σε μεγάλο βαθμό ένα συμπαθητικό προφίλ, ως ένας πολιτικός νέας γενιάς που είναι κοινωνικός, με πολλή ενέργεια, αθλητικός, κτλ. Ο Γιωργάκης, σιγά-σιγά, έγινε ο Γιώργος ο Πρωθυπουργός για ένα διάστημα, όμως, δυστυχώς, ξαναέγινε ο Γιωργάκης, αλλά με παιδαριώδη τεχνάσματα, με πράξεις που είναι απαράδεκτες για Πρωθυπουργό, με δηλώσεις τις οποίες αναιρεί μέσα σε λίγες ώρες.

Τόσο σταθερά κρατά το «τιμόνι» της χώρας. Ο λαός όμως είναι αυτός που υποφέρει από όλες τις παλινδρομίες του αρχηγού του ΠΑΣΟΚ. Όσο και να θέλει να δικαιολογήσει κανείς τον κ. Παπανδρέου, πρέπει να δούμε ορισμένα γεγονότα τα οποία είναι αδιαμφισβήτητα:

-         Καλώς-κακός, οδηγηθήκαμε στην Τρόικα, ως τόσο αποδείχθηκε πως είχε γίνει

προεργασία πολύ πρίν τις εκλογές του 2009 και ΔΕΝ αποτελούσε μονόδρομο.

      -     Τα όπλα πάνω στο τραπέζι, δηλ. οι μπλόφες του Πρωθυπουργού               

λειτούργησαν καταστρεπτικά για την χώρα.

-         Το Μνημόνιο που είχε σχεδιαστεί για μια τριετία δεν άντεξε ούτε ένα χρόνο.

-         Τα επανειλημμένα εκβιαστικά διλήμματα που ετέθησαν για την ψήφιση βάρβαρων νομοσχεδίων που θα έσωζαν την χώρα.

-         Το απερίγραπτο φιάσκο του Ιουνίου για συναίνεση με την Νέα Δημοκρατία, όπου συμφώνησε  ο Παπανδρέου, (συμφωνώντας για την παραίτηση του), που λίγες ώρες μετά αναίρεσε.*

-         Οι πανηγυρισμοί της 21 Ιουλίου για ακόμα μία νίκη προς την σωτηρία της χώρας. (Άσχετα αν ποτέ δεν εφαρμόστηκαν τα συμφωνηθέντα και πάντα το «σχέδιο» κατέληγε στην απάνθρωπη φορολογία και μείωση μισθών και συντάξεων. Το εφάπαξ ανήκει στον συνταξιούχο, αν δεν γνωρίζει την λέξη να ανοίξει ένα λεξικό)

-         Πριν από την κρίσιμη σύνοδο κορυφής, ζητούσε την συναίνεση του Σαμαρά  να πάνε μαζί στις Βρυξέλλες, ως τόσο πριν την συνάντηση τους φρόντισε σε  ομιλία του να τον αποκαλέσει δημοσίως ανεύθυνο, συκοφάντη και κατώτερο των περιστάσεων.*

-         Ο παγκόσμιος διασυρμός για την περίφημη ιδέα του δημοψηφίσματος, απ’όπου, 1) έγινε γνωστό πως ουδέποτε το συζήτησε με τους Ευρωπαίους εταίρους, δηλαδή είπε ψέματα στον Ελληνικό λαό, 2) η ταπείνωση της Ελλάδας από Μέρκελ-Σαρκοζύ-Τρόικα, 3) ο κίνδυνος της διαπόμπευσης της χώρας από την Ευρωζώνη, 4) ο εξαναγκασμός του Βενιζέλου να υποστηρίξει την ιδέα για δημοψήφισμα χωρίς καμιά συνεννόηση, (και που μετά την οργή των Ευρωπαίων ο Βενιζέλος παραδέχτηκε πως δεν γνώριζε στην αρχή και μετά δεν συμφωνούσε στην ιδέα.)

-         Δημιούργησε παγκόσμια αναστάτωση στις αγορές, και την έντονη οργή των περισσοτέρων ηγετών εντός και εκτός Ευρωζώνης, χωρίς ίχνος αυτοκριτικής, και όπως πάντα ρίχνοντας τις ευθύνες αλλού.

-         Σήμερα, 3 Νοεμβρίου 2011, τορπίλισε ξανά τις προτάσεις του Σαμαρά, στην ουσία καθιστώντας τον υπεύθυνο για τα γεγονότα των τελευταίων ημερών, αψηφώντας τα στελέχη της κυβέρνησης και του κόμματος του, τους οποίους αγνόησε παντελώς (Διαμαντοπούλου) όταν του επισημάνθηκε ότι άλλα είπε στο Υπουργικό συμβούλιο, άλλα στην Κ.Ο. και άλλα στη Βουλή.*

* Μετά από τόσες ανακολουθίες λόγου, τόσες προσβολές και τέτοια ανικανότητα να είναι αξιόπιστος ο κ. Παπανδρέου, είναι επόμενο ο Αρχηγός της Αξιωματικής Αντιπολίτευσης να ζητά το αυτονόητο. Να πάει η χώρα σε εκλογές και να τελειώνουμε με κάποιον που είναι όχι απλά γαντζωμένος στην καρέκλα, αλλά προφανώς έχει παθολογική και ψυχολογική εξάρτηση απ’αυτήν.

                  

Greece: The Curse of Three Generations of Papandreou's

From his vantage point as former adviser to one of the Papandreou governments, James Petras examines how the Socialist Papandreou dynasty has, ever since World War II, relentlessly turned Greece into a client state, surrendering sovereignty and sacrificing class solidarity for patronage. Currently mired in debt and faced with mass unrest, Prime Minister George Papandreou is perpetuating the same logic, having turned to foreign bankers and imperial powers for direction while cracking down on the social protests that are rocking his country.

In each of the three decisive moments of recent history, Greece has been pulled backwards from a chance for social transformation, political independence and freedom from external tutelage by one and another of the Papandreou family.

The three periods promising new vistas for the Greek popular movements include:
(1) The period following the defeat of the Nazi occupation army and its collaborator puppet regime by the Greek partisan resistance, backed by its liberation army (ELAS-EAM) and its civilian allies. (1944-1945)
(2) The decisive electoral defeat of the rightwing New Democratic Party in 1981. The majoritarian vote for the Panhellenic Socialist Party (PASOK) together with the Communist Party controlled nearly two-thirds of Parliament. Inheriting a “broken and bankrupt and non-viable” capitalist economy from a discredited and crushed Right, PASOK received a popular mandate to socialize the economy.
(3) The world capitalist crises of 2007 –2010 and in particular, the bankrupt and highly indebted Greek capitalist state-led to the election of George Papandreou (Junior) in 2010 on a platform of “social change” and increased social welfare. He attracted working class and trade union support on the bases of creating a new modern and more just society.
Between Revolution and Reaction: The Role of George Papandreou (Senior)
In the wake of one of Europe’s greatest anti-fascist partisan led victory, the Greek resistance movement, backed by over 2 million partisans advanced toward the liberation of the capital city of Athens in October 1944. With scant support inside the country, George Papandreou was propped up by imperial British warplanes and tanks and the rightwing monarchy in exile. Acting as Prime Minister he ordered the disarmament of the Resistance and backed the British military assault on tens of thousands of peaceful demonstrators in Constitution Square in Athens killing and wounding hundreds of Greek freedom fighters. Papandreou presided over the military recruitment of numerous ex-Nazi collaborators and Monarchists, financed and armed and commanded by British and later US generals. He later served as a cabinet minister in regimes which launched a vicious assault on the mass leftist popular movements. They turned what was a joyful moment of liberation into the beginning of a squalid period of savage repression and the restoration of all the upper class scum from pre-war Greece, along with their pro-Nazi collaborator colleagues. Greece was turned into a client state of the US, ruled by a series of externally subsidized kleptocratic police states, which retained their rule by inflating a patronage based bureaucracy, divorced from modern industry.
Andreas Papandreou and the Demise of the Right (1981)
Subsequent to the demise of the military junta (1967 – 1974) the Greek Right came to power, retaining much of the old state apparatus and propping up a wealthy but dysfunctional ruling class living off monetary transfers from the EEC. The pillage of state resources, the bankruptcy of most of the private sector firms, the backwardness of the agricultural sector, the closed and authoritarian nature of public and private institutions, led the vast majority of the working class, students, farmers and unemployed to provide a massive electoral victory for Andreas Papandreou. The combined vote of the Socialist and Communist Parties was over 60% and provided a clear majority to legally transform the society and economy. Moreover, Andreas Papandreou’s program promised to “socialize the economy”, modernize the countryside and break from imperial domination. In particular he promised to terminate membership in NATO, and US military base agreement.
Given the fragmentation, demoralization, dispersion and decadence of the Right, political opposition to a socialist advance was at a minimum. Given the private sectors’ high indebtedness to the state banks, the Papandreou government did not even require legislation to expropriate the firms: it could ask for loan repayments or the keys of the firm.
Papandreou rejected the option of transforming the moribund capitalist system: he offered new loans, forgave debts and intervened to restore private ownership by auctioning the firms to new private (foreign) owners. At the time I was an adviser to Papandreou. When I asked him why he didn’t socialize the indebted firms, he answered that “because of the crises, it is not the time to transform the economy; it would have to wait till the economy got on its feet”. When I replied that he was elected to change the system precisely because of the crises and that once capitalism was restored the political and economic opposition would be more formidable he replied “that the ‘economy’ is too weak to sustain a socialist regime”; he added that “the working class is only interested in consumption not investing to modernize the economy”.
In practical terms Papandreou restored capitalism despite its moribund condition, increasing the public debt in the process. During his first term in office over eighty percent of Greek public opinion was in favor of closing the US military bases and their intelligence operations in Greece. Through balcony demagoguery and false promises to act “in the future”, Papandreou maintained the bases. Similarly, Papandreou repudiated the vast majority of voters who elected him to withdraw from NATO by engaging in inconsequential “criticism” … from within. Worse still Papandreou stayed in the European Economic Community, accepting transfers and loans in exchange for lowering trade barriers. This began the process of windfall short term gains in consumption and state spending on a patronage based bloated bureaucracy in exchange for the decimation of the backward industrial and agricultural sector. Papandreou used EEC transfers to buy votes via subsidies to farmers, short term wage gains to workers and huge tax write offs and loans to business elites. Deficits and debts grew, while the productive apparatus to sustain consumption withered. Patronage was Papandreou’s “alternative” to social transformation. The EEC was willing to finance Papandreou and put up with his dysfunctional economic policies because he was destroying and undermining the social movements for change which originally brought him to power.
While Andreas Papandreou was denouncing NATO in front of mass meetings he was holding weekly consultations with the US Ambassador confirming his loyalty to the military alliance….During the first year of his government (1982 – 1984) when I directed the Center for Mediterranean Studies and was an unofficial advisor to Papandreou I would be leaving by the backdoor of his house in Kastri while the US Ambassador was entering through the front door. After awhile, I realized that he borrowed leftwing critiques to justify rightwing policies. A practice for which he became a virtuoso … of deception. More recently a State Department official once commented to me that he preferred George Papandreou the younger over his father: “the same conformist policies”, he commented “without the demagogy”. Over the years, Andreas empty rhetoric and pro NATO practice converted an entire generation of militant socialists into cynical opportunists and social climbers, who sacrificed class solidarity for patronage, lucrative posts in the EEC bureaucracy for social transformation. The post-junta generation, the student idealists from the Polytechnical struggle became the corpulent functionaries of the NATO state.
George Papandreou (Junior): History as Farce (Three Times Over)
Like his family predecessors George Papandreou was elected in October 2009 in the midst of the most profound world capitalist crises since the 1930’s. Greek finances were ‘under water’; the economy was in a free fall; the public treasury was empty; capitalism was literally bankrupt and the rightlist parties were disgraced and discredited.
During his electoral campaign Papandreou promised a modern social welfare state with a priority for social investments in public health, education and ameliorating poverty. Once in office, true to the Papandreou tradition, he did an about face. Striking an indignant posture he claimed to “discover” that the Greek treasury was empty and the country was over indebted and that the only solution was to slash living standards by reducing salaries, and savaging wages, social programs and pensions in order to pay the foreign bankers. Like his familial predecessors no effort was made to collect back taxes from the rich or embargo the secret foreign accounts of the bankers, corporate executives, ship owners, stock speculators, consultants, investment brokers who swindled Greek taxpayers and pensioners of billions of Euros. No effort was made to recover the debts owned by the private sector to the state financial institutions. On the contrary Papandreou turned to the Wall Street swindlers – Goldman Sachs (who,in 2001, facilitated the pillage of public loans for private gain) – for advice and support.
Like his grandfather, faced with mass unrest, he turned to the imperial powers for guidance and direction. In effect Papandreou surrendered Greek sovereignty and economic policy making to Merkle, Sarkozy, Obama and the IMF. They formulated the most draconian class based austerity program in recent European history. The EU and US policymakers, finding a most docile and submissive client in Papandreou, insisted on one, two three many rounds of cuts in living standards, over a 4 month period (December 2009 – March 2010), reducing Greek living standards below the levels of the early 1980’s. The socialist trade union leaders’ initial weak, token protests encouraged Papandreou and his economic and finance ministers to push harder for greater concessions, hoping to satisfy “the market” – a euphemism for the financiers and speculators.
After thirty years of rightwing and PASOK patronage politics, tax free rides for their business clients and lending to kleptocratic dysfunctional ‘investors’, Papandreou, ever responsive to the foreign bankers and their imperial political mentors, escalated the repression of the social movements and trade unions. In contrast he flew to Paris, Berlin and Washington promising more cuts in social budgets, begging for financing to bail out the corrupt state and Greece’s decadent ruling class.
October 2009 appeared as another historic opportunity to launch a new post-capitalist state, putting an end to the bankruptcy of the klepto-speculator economic system and its discredited rightist supporters. Instead October turned into a political nightmare. The Papandreou regime and its parliamentary robots went far beyond even the previous rightist regimes – in eroding living standards, it handed over the design, direction and enforcement of the retrograde socio-economic policy to the EU and Washington, who in defense of their financial elites are determined to extract the last pound of flesh from the public and private, working class.
Papandreou’s policy is to “save the economy” … by destroying it. In the midst of a deepening recession his regime is reducing spending and incomes and increasing regressive consumption taxes; a sure formula to turn a recession into a chronic depression. The historic mission of the Papandreou regimes is to embrace the empire to save the rich, no matter how many dead anti-fascists, how many disenchanted workers, how many immiserated pensioners have to pay the price.
Conclusion
The political history of the Papandreou family is a Greek tragic-farce; the tragedy of a people who fought the good fight again the Nazis and their collaborators only to be savaged by the rising new Anglo-American rulers. The heroic Polytechnical University student struggle (1973) against the US backed military dictatorship ended up witnessing the rise of a pseudo-populist demagogue (Andreas Papandreou) who promised democratic socialism and ended up socializing the private debts of capitalist kelptocrats. And now the last (hopefully) in the line of imperial sycophants (George Papandreou) who promised progressive changes and imposed regressive policies, while handing over the keys to power to his overseas imperial overseers. Beyond the political idiosyncrasies of Greece, the history of Greek Social Democratic regimes illustrate their historical role as the saviors of capitalism in crises. They are allowed, by the foreign and domestic elites, to come to power because they have the popular backing to implement the harsh reactionary policies which the established discredited rightists are too weak to impose. In embracing and enforcing their unpopular and retrograde polices, the Social Democrats, profoundly alienate their working class and lower middle class supporters – they commit political suicide. But for Social Democrats, the Papandreou’s of Europe, they served their purpose: they turned back the tide of radical or revolutionary change. They sacrificed their regimes but saved the capitalist state.
The most hopeful and promising change today is that the Papandreou –PASOK mystique has evaporated; even the most loyal socialist trade union official dares not raise their hand to stay the movement … nor do they dare point a revolutionary way out … So the general strikes will continue … the anarchists will launch their missiles … the levels of popular anger is rising … and the struggles will continue.
James Petra

Our German friends (Focus-handelsblatt,etc.)

Letter to Georgios Papandreou, Prime Minister of Greece
by Gabor Steingart
Mr. Prime Minister,
Dear Mr. Papandreou,
With the greatest respect, the Western world is monitoring your efforts to master your country’s debt crisis. No other democratic country has ever managed anything like that in peacetime. You are shrinking the state apparatus; you are fighting corruption; you are teaching your fellow countrymen how to become honest tax-payers.
You are a modern hero. You are attempting the impossible. As the son of a persecuted and ostracized politician who was chased by the military junta you grew up close to danger. When the officers were looking for your father who was hiding in the attic, they threatened you by putting an unlocked pistol to your forehead and challenged you to betray your father. You denied your father’s presence until he, worried about his son’s life, left his hiding place.Later you fled with him to America where you spent your adolescence. You are alarger-than-life-character.
Preceding governments almost ruined your country. Debts amounting to 340 billion Euros are burdening the Greek state,equaling 155 times the profit of the 60 largest companies of your country and 1.5 times the amount of debts the Maastricht Treaty allows. A year ago, this newspaper, Germany’s biggest Business Daily, appealed to the public to buy Greek government bonds in order to give to the country what Greece needs just as urgently as money: confidence. We also wanted to assist in breaking through the negative spiral of growing doubt and increasing interest rates. Everyone who granted you guarantees and loans wanted it, the European Union, the International Monetary Fund, the heads of state and government.

Papandreou – Steingart, May 2010 
But since then, the spiral has picked up in speed instead of slowing down. In May 2010 the interest rate at which your country was given money on a ten year basis was at eight per cent. Today, it is at 16 per cent. And in all probability, it will be going up further. The bitter truth to which you and all parties who wanted to help Greece have to admit is that the help doesn’t help. Your country is getting deeper and deeper into the mess. Debts are growing, the gross national product will decrease by at least three per cent in 2011. But it would have to grow by three per cent instead if you were to lower your debt to the allowedlimit until 2040. This is becoming more and more unrealistic. You can’t starve and build up your muscles at the same time.
The truth that Greece has to cut back and save has turned into an untruth. The right thing has turned into the wrong thing. You already cut pensions, lowered the salaries of civil servants by 30 per cent and raised the prices of gas by almost 50 per cent. You can’t restore the health of your country by saving. And the European Union can’t restore your country’s health by again and again injecting new loans.
Soon, the day will come when the tortured body will surrender. The Greek construction industry already shrank by 70 per cent. Sales of car dealers sank by half. A daily export volume of 50 million Euros Greece is achieving  far too little.  Soon the day will come which investors fear in their nightmares. Then the word “insolvency” will be on everyone’s lips.
But it is also the day when a new truth will be born: Don’t save but invest, they will tell you – so that the Greek economy will grow again. Do not service debt with debt, you then will be recommended, but spread out the debt service, cut it and maybe even completely suspend it for a while. It will be a day of impositions, especially for those who lendmoney to you and your people. Financial markets will grind to a halt in horror – and then they will turn to embrace the future. Because Argentina in 2001, Mexico at the beginning of the eighties and Germany after World War II taught us that there is a life after death – at least, in the case of highly indebted states.
Mr. Papandreou, so far, you attempted the impossible. Now youshould do the possible. Just as you deceived the officers as a boy and denied to know where your father was hiding you now must repudiate the pride of the Greeks - in order to save your country. Come to meet the new uncomfortable truth before it knocks at your door. It’s already on its way.
Respectfully yours,
Gabor Steingart
You highly praise Greek PM George Papandreou as: "You are a modern hero. You are attempting the impossible. As the son of a persecuted and ostracized politician who was chased by the military junta you grew up close to danger. When the officers were looking for your father who was hiding in the attic, they threatened you by putting an unlocked pistol to your forehead and challenged you to betray your father." Point of interest his father Andreas Papandreou ,during the Fascist Metaxas dictatorship, was arrested for purported Trotskyism. Following representations by his father, Georgios Papandreou Sr, was allowed to leave for the US. There Andreas Papandreou joined America's war effort and volunteered for the US Navy. George Jeffrey Papandreou was born  in Saint Paul, Minnesota, United States, where his father, Andreas Papandreou, held a university post. He is American born and raised, and although I have no reason to question his courage during the junta, facts show that the Papandreou family had preferential treatment by US Governments.
2. You say "Preceding governments almost ruined your country". You should know that PM George Papandreou has held in the past government positions, as Minister for National Education and Religious Affairs (1988–1989 and 1994–1996) and was Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1999 to 2004. That means he was also a part of those "preceding governments that ruined the country".

Unfortunately, he is not a new political figure and has his share of responsibilities of ill-doings during the last reign of PASOK.

3. While in opposition prior to 2009, he purposely sabotaged a) The Bourgas-Alexandroupoli pipeline, a deal between Bulgaria-Greece-Russia of great significance, b) opposed to Chinese COSCO logistics deal, that guaranteed foreign investment, c) was the key component to opening the door to Europe for the IMF.
4. While I had hopes for a more responsible government, he implemented unfair taxation rules, no implementation on the agreements, and never pushed for Public-Private-Partnerships and PSPP's to stimulate the economy, promote growth and cut unemployment. Comparing Greece to the Titanic, or bluffing about the loaded gun on the table (IMF) caused spreads and CDS's to soar. (Coincidentally, his brother, Andricos Papandreou is reported to have made billions gambling on CDS's)
Yes, many reforms are taking place (at a deadly gamble) but two bailouts in two years is hardly a sign of a bright future. (Ireland is already showing growth)
Your "modern day hero" self admittedly said that he ruling "a corrupt country" in interviews outside Greece. I doubt that the Private Sector Investors are happy to see a haircut of more than 21% on the table, and the Greek pension system is likely to collapse. Sir, I had hopes for our PM to brake the norms of the past and although past experience was not in his favor, (see  his failed promises for 2004 Olympic games concerning green energy), Pasok in March 2004 elections left office with most of the infrastructure incomplete. (See IOC committee reports). As a Greek-American I pray that he finds a sense of Greek pride, does not condemn future generations with burdens, because of his and his government's shortcomings.

Note: In early summer, he called opposition leader Antonis Samaras and asked for help in negotiations with the Troika, agreeing to step down as PM and agreeing on a third party to be transitional PM until elections could take place. As usual he changed his mind once again under the pressure of losing his position. Make no mistake this government is not saving the Greek people and if you wish to find out come to Greece and try to live on the salary of a private employee. The other major tragedy is that no political party is doing what they must to save the country. The left and the unions are destroying any possibility to a common solution and the conservatives are not being listened to as far as growth and tax reduction is concerned.
Make no mistake: This is NOT a Socialist government, and this man is NO hero.